We are the Hahn Lee Family, Korean immigrants, descendants of Korean immigrants.
Come explore with us the untold stories of the Korean Diaspora.
For over a century, Koreans have been building new lives across the globe. The Korean Diaspora in Mexico, though often overlooked, offers a story of resilience, integration, and rich cultural exchange. Let’s dive into the untold stories of these communities. If not for their bravery and resilience, we would not exist.
Let's begin the journey...
The 1997 Korean movie HENEQUEN
set in 1905, tells the story of the life of Korean henequen laborers in Mexico.
It follows the relationship between the daughter of an impoverished aristocratic family and the son of a butcher. (Director: Kim Ho-sun)
The Korean peninsula endured severe conomic hardshps in 1901, followed by devastating typhoid and cholera outbreaks in 1902. These hardships, combined with a history of bad harvests, drought, and constant political pressure from China, Russia, and Japan, created immense push factors for Koreans to leave their homeland. After Japan emerged victorious in the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905), Korea was about to become a protectorate of Japan and once again fall under Japanese rule. For many Koreans, Mexico likely seemed like a rare opportunity for a fresh start.
WHY DID YOUR GREAT-GRANDPARENTS AND MINE HAVE TO LEAVE THEIR COUNTRY?
Henequen, a cactus-like plant, was widely used in the early 1900s to make products like rope and rugs. As demand for henequen grew, plantation owners sought foreign labor to meet the needs of the expanding industry. When European workers proved hard to recruit, they enlisted the help of John G. Myers, an immigration agent, and Genichi Taisho, a Japanese businessman, to find laborers in China, Japan, and eventually Korea.
Meyers specifically targeted Korea, knowing that Japan had interests in redirecting the Korean labor force away from the profitable agricultural jobs in Hawaii - jobs that Japan wanted to keep in the hands of its own people. The promise of high wages, the chance to live with family, and the allure of a better life in Mexico (which was marketed as similar to the United States) attracted a variety of individuals, especially from the Seoul area. Although King Gojong had delegated the responsibility of overseas emigration to American entrepreneur David W. Deshler in 1902, a French minister issued their passports.
The S.S. Ilford brings Koreans to Mexico
On April 4, 1905, the S.S. Ilford set sail from Chemulpo harbor (present-day Incheon) carrying 1,033 Koreans - 702 men, 135 women, and 196 children. After a 40-day journey, the ship arrived in Salina Cruz on May 15, 1905. Tragically, two boys died during the voyage. From Salina Cruz, the Koreans traveled by train to Veracruz, then boarded another ship to Progreso, near Mérida. Upon arrival, they were divided into 24 groups and sold to different plantations, including Chence, Buenavista, San Francisco, Santiago, San Antonio, and Santa Rosa, where they would work for the next four years. This marked the first and last wave of Korean immigration to Mexico.
1,033 Koreans (702 men, 135 women, 196 children) left Chemulpo harbor (present day Incheon) via the British merchant ship Ilford. The ship arrived at the port of Salina Cruz in southern Mexico on 15 May, 1905. Of 1033 Koreans who had sailed from Incheon, 1031 made it to Mexico, two boys had died during the journey.
The plantation owners treated the workers harshly. All laborers were forced to live on the plantations, where they were paid poorly - 35 cents for 12 to 17 hours of labor - and were physically punished if they failed to meet their daily quotas of henequen leaves. Some workers were expected to harvest up to 1,000 or more leaves per day. To make matters worse, they were required to purchase food at inflated prices from the plantation owners, making it nearly impossible to save any money. At the end of their contracts, many found themselves in debt.
Conditions were dire. There are records of at least 10 Korean laborers committing suicide, and many others made desperate escape attempts, which were met with severe punishments. "Slave labor" seems a fitting description for the suffering these Koreans endured.
A Second-Generation Korean's Reflection
José Sánchez-Pac, a second-generation Korean descendant, shared his memories in Memorias de la vida y obra de los coreanos en México desde Yucatán (1973): "As foreigners, we had to move from plantation to plantation. When we landed on a large one, there were more Korean families, and life seemed a little better. We built temples, schools, and even a store. But at smaller plantations, we didn't have much of a community. We tried to make the best of it by mingling with the locals at wakes, novenas, baptisms, weddings, and even religious ceremonies. We often tried to find some form of entertainment wherever we could."
The Struggle Continues: Statelessness and Isolation
On November 17, 1905, ginseng merchant Pak Young Soon sent a letter to the Mutual Assistance Association in Mexico, describing the suffering and exploitation faced by Korean workers on the Yucatán plantations. This letter reached Korean newspapers, and soon the Song Dong YMCA launched an investigation in Korea.
Meanwhile, Japan, which had won the Russo-Japanese War with the backing of the United States, formalized its control over Korea with the Korean Protectorate Treaty in 1905. Japan later annexed Korea in 1910.
This shift left the Korean immigrants in Mexico in a precarious position. They had no legal protection from either the Mexican governments or the Korean state. They were stateless, trapped in a foreign country with no diplomatic support. Japanese imperial interests blocked any efforts to advocate for them, leaving the immigrants isolated and vulnerable.
Korean workers at a Mexican hacienda.
(Courtesy of Fototeca Guerra)
Accomplices in this Crime
Translation of the letters above
First letter
(SEAL OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN RELATIONS)
Mexico, March 13, 1905
The Minister of Mexico in Japan informs me of the following note number 75 of February 9 of this year:
"I have the honor to forward to you, attached, a clipping from the Japanese newspaper "Asahi", regarding the emigration of Chinese and Koreans to Mexico."
I have the honor to transcribe it for you for your information, including a copy of the translation of the newspaper clipping mentioned and sending kind regards.
(SIGNED BY THE GOVERNOR OF YUCATAN)
Second letter
(SEAL OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN RELATIONS)
300 families willing to emigrate requested.
Mr. Meyers (Mexican), who is currently at the "Oriental Hotel" in Yokohama, is in negotiations with the "Emigration Company" to gather 300 Korean or Chinese families who, as a test, he is planning to employ in the cultivation of henequén in Yucatan, Mexico. Mr. Meyers has approached the Japanese company to get these foreign emigrants because, in his opinion, since China and Korea have been for the past year under the influence of Japan, the best thing is to handle the matter through the Japanese. It will be very difficult, however, to obtain these Chinese and Koreans who, due to their customs and ancient traditions, have never taken their women to the countries where they have emigrated for work.
When a Crime Requires Many Hands: A Forgotten Chapter of Korean-Mexican History
Massive crimes rarely occur in isolation - they require the silence, complicity, or active participation of many. When the Korean Minister of Foreign Relations reached out to his Mexican counterpart, the official dialogue marked the beginning of a long chain of deception.
In the early 20th century, reports began to surface in the Korean Empire detailing the inhumane conditions endured by Korean laborers on Mexico's henequen plantations. In response, the Ministry of Foreign relations appointed Vice Minister Chi Ho Yoon to travel to Mexico and investigate the allegations firsthand.
However, before the mission could be carried out, Japan asserted control over Korea's diplomatic affairs. The trip was abruptly canceled. In that moment, the Korean Empire not only lost the opportunity to advocate for its people abroad - it forfeited its diplomatic autonomy entirely. Yet, not all were complicit. A letter from the Mexican Embassy in the United States, signed by the acting chargé d'affaires, stands as proof: some individuals recognized the injustice and sought to documents the truth. They were not accomplices to the suffering of our ancestors.
Translation of the letter above:
MEXICAN EMBASSY IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
Korean Legation
Washington, September 15, 1905
I have the honor to respectfully request that you provide me with the name of the place in Yucatán, where a group of 1014 Koreans, more or less, are located.
I regret to inform you that these Koreans are currently in a situation of abandonment as, as my Government wishes to help them return to their native country, I am hereby requesting the aforementioned information.
Sincerely and respectfully yours,
Yun Chung Kim
ad interim Business Chargé
This is a translation.
Someone in the Ministry of Foreign Relations of Mexico sent a copy of this letter to the Governor of the State of Yucatán (below).
Translation of the letter above:
(SEAL OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN RELATIONS)
The ad interim Business Chargé of Mexico in Washington, in a note dated 19th of the current month, informs me of the following:
"In two attached documents, I have the honor to send to you a copy and translation of a note from the Business Chargé of Korea, in which he requests to know the place in Yucatán where 1014 Koreans are located, who apparently are living in a precarious situation and whom the Government of Korea wishes to help so they can return to their country.
I have replied to this gentleman that I have sent a copy of his note to this authority and that I would inform him of the reply I receive."
I have the honor to forward this information and its translation of the note mentioned, so that you can inform this Secretariat how we should proceed.
Sincerely Yours,
The Governor of the State of Yucatán
Translation of the letter above:
(SEAL OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE AND MINISTRY OF FOREIGN RELATIONS)
Mexico, August 21, 1905
The Minister of Foreign Relations of the Kingdom of Korea, in a telegram dated 13th of this month, Informs this Secretariat the following:
"We know from an authorized source that more than one thousand Korean subjects who emigrated to Yucatán, and who were believed would be under the protection of that Government. Regardless of the fact that no treaty exists, through letter from Koreans and Chinese residing there, we are concerned to find that they are forced to serve as slaves and are not fed properly. We request that your Government protect their lives and liberties and help them deal with these issues until our government is able to protect them."
This Department replied to the telegram es follows:
"We have received your telegram regarding Korean workers. I can assure you that your information that they have been reduced to slavery, is completely false. If Your Excellency wishes you can contact the Government of Peking where there is an important report on the fact that Asian workers in Yucatán are well treated. The Japanese Legation in this Capital can also send you information in this regard."
I have the honor of forwarding this information to you.
(SIGNED BY THE GOVERNOR OF YUCATAN)
We do not know if the document below was in response to this request, but the lies definitely continued coming. Point VII is a Horror Story. Point I of the report outlines the scope of the investigation: three plantations - Kancabchén (7 men, 4 women, and 8 children), Azcorra (25 men), and Santa Cruz (8 men). By Point VII, the tragedy is laid bare: 20 deaths recorded in just six months, between May and November of 1905.
The reported causes of death form a haunting pattern:
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2 from gastroenteritis
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1 from gastric fever
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1 from intestinal fever
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1 from chronic enteritis
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1 from colitis
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1 from dysentery
These are not random or coincidental. These are ll stomach-related illnesses - most likely caused by unsanitary food or water. The evidence is clear: what they were consuming was killing them. And yet, to the plantation owners, these deaths probably registered as little more than a cost of doing business. "They're slaves," they might have thought. "When some die, we'll just bring in more."
This was not just negligence - it was dehumanization, institutionalized and ignored by those who had the power to stop it.
Translation of the report above:
DATA REGARDING THE KOREAN IMMIGRATION IN THE STATE OF YUCATAN, ACCORDING TO THE GOVERNOS OF THE STATE IN HIS MEMO NO. 4966, SENT ON NOVEMBER 6.
I. Total number of Korean coolies. In this district there are Koreans in only three plantations: "Kancabchen" with seven; "Azcorra" with twenty-five and "Santa Cruz" with eight. Total: forty, except for four Korean women and eight children at "Kancabchen".
II. Average pay each Korean receives from the plantation owner. Between 65 and 75 cents per day.
III. Number of hours of daily work. They work between eight and ten hours per day.
IV. Medical status of the coolies. Very good.
V. Treatment they receive from the plantation owners in regard to food, clothing, etc. They buy their own clothing and prepare their own food. They live in houses with very good hygiene conditions, with plots of land and water a short distance away for their cultivation, consequently, the treatment they receive is good.
VI. Living expenses. Most of them spend 25 cents per person on living expenses.
VII. Number of deaths until today and the main cause. From May 15, 1905 to November 6, there have been in this Capital, twenty deaths, according to a memo from the General Director of the Civil Registry; the deaths were, three due to yellow fever, three to tuberculosis, two to gastroenteritis, one to malaria, one to gastric fever, one to intestinal fever, one to chronic enteritis, one to malarial emaciation, one to chronic entero-colitis, one to peri-renal abscess, one to colitis, one to mitral insufficiency, one to syphilis, one to dysentery and one to unknown cause. All these deaths, except for one, happened in the O'Horan Hospital in this city.
A. Name of each plantation. Provided above.
B. Number of immigrants on each plantation. Approximately 1085, of which there are 52 in the district, with 32 day laborers, 4 women, 8 children who appear in "Santa Rosa" plantation work independently as tenants.
A report dated December 16, 1908, reveals that our great-grandparents, newly arrived in Mexico, were already dying. Just three years earlier, in May 1905, the deaths of twenty of our ancestors were recorded - needless and tragic. Though their names misspelled, the ages are heartbreakingly clear: among them were children just 9, 11, 12, and even as young as a year and a half. Most succumbed to gastrointestinal diseases, a reflection of the harsh and unsanitary conditions they endured.
At the end of the document, one chilling line stands out:
"In reports obtained from the owners of the plantations on which coolies (a derogatory term for Chinese laborers) have worked, it appears that their immigration has not had good results. They are called lazy..."
They were called lazy - yet nowhere do these reports mention the brutal conditions they were forced to survive in. Nowhere is there acknowledgment of the Korean women raped on those same plantations. It's difficult to imagine anything more demoralizing, more dehumanizing - yet these realities are entirely omitted, while blame is laid on the victims.
The list that follows offers more than just numbers - it tells a story of labor, control, and complicity. It details how many Koreans were assigned to each plantation, alongside the names of the plantation owners. A closer look reveals a disturbing conflict of interest: the second-to-last owner listed is also the sitting Governor of the State of Yucatán.
The columns are organized as follows:
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First, the names of the plantation owners
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Second, the names of their haciendas
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Third, the total number of Korean laborers on each estate
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And finally, the number of women and children among them
At the end of the document, three stark figures summarize the cost:
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Koreans dead: 22
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Lost: 27
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Total immigrants arrived: 1,018
These aren't just statistics - they are evidence of a system that treated human lives as disposable, even as the powerful profited.
In 1908, a memo (below) is sent out by the Secretary of State. It reads as follows:
FIRST SECTION
Dated the first of the current month, it informs this Secretary of Foreign Relations:
"The Minister of Japan in this Capital, tells me in a note dated August 19, the following:
I have the honor of bringing to your Excellency's attention that I have received a letter fron the Japanese General Consul in San Francisco, California, in which me informs me that he read an article in "The Denver Republican", a newspaper that is published in Denver, Colorado, United States of America, regarding the bad treatment which Koreans in Yucatan are subjected to and whose extract is as follows: "KOREAN COOLIES TREATED LIKE SLAVES IN MEXICO. 300 or 400 Koreans are truly being treated like slaves in Mexico, and to protest against this, Koreans of the intellectual class residing in the United States, held a great meeting in Denver; however, all their efforts to rescue their miserable countrymen, who cannot even communicate with the outside world, have been in vain. The Koreans sent a commissioner to Yucatan to investigate the conditions of his fellow-Koreans and to contact them, but everything was impossible because he was under constant surveillance by government employees and even chased by the Mexicans themselves. So their Agent went to Yucatan and return to San Francisco having been unable to obtain information worth taking into consideration. The Koreans residing in the United States, whose number is currently four thousand, gathered funds, by subscription, as a last resort, to rescue the liberty of these poor people: but the amount they were able to collect was not enough for the endeavor, because in order to save 400 coolies, several thousand dollars would ne necessary, hence the matter did not have a positive outcome. These Koreans, to which "The Denver Republican" alludes, were brought to Mexico by a Japanese subject, by concession of the Government of Korea, almost four years ago and not by a Japanese company, since at that time, the agreement between Japan and Korea had not been signed yet and Japanese companies could not hire foreign emigrants. In accordance with the agreement I just mentioned, and whose text Your Excellency has in his power, sent by my predecessor in his note number 8 of December 13, 1905, the duty to protect the Koreans compels me to beg Your Excellency, most respectfully, to request that the local authority in Yucatan provide me with the following information:
I. Total number of Korean coolies.
II. Average pay each Korean receives from the plantation owner.
III. Number of hours of daily work.
IV. Medical status of the coolies.
V. Treatment they receive from the owners of the plantations, in regards to food, clothing, etc., etc.
VI. Living expenses.
VII. Number of deaths so far and the main cause.
I send Your Excellency sincere gratitude for this information which I have here requested that you obtain from the Governor of Yucatan, information which is required by the Japanese Legation and this Secretariat."
This is yet another clear scramble on behalf of the government to cover up their dirty work.
Despite the likelihood that they would spend the rest of their lives in Mexico, this first generation of Korean immigrants never ceased to identify as Korean. Even far from home, they supported the Korean independence movement, holding on to a vision of a sovereign Korea - the land they had last known before it was annexed. Their encounters with Mexico's complex racial and cultural fabric, particularly mestizaje, deeply shaped their evolving identity.
Returning to Korea was never a real option. With no savings by the end of their contracts, many were stranded. Some sought opportunity in Cuba, taking jobs on sugar plantations. But the overproduction of sugar and plummeting prices soon pushed them back to Mexico once again. This was far from the future they had been promised. Still, despite their disappointment and frustration, they adapted. They began to settle in and around Mérida, laying the foundations of a new life in a foreign land.
A turning point came with Article 30 of the 1917 Mexican Constitution. It granted Mexican nationality to those born on Mexican soil and extended the possibility of naturalization to others. For the children of Korean immigrants, this law offered both legal belonging and a chance to imagine a future in Mexico. One of them, José Sánchez Pac, who was born aboard the Ilford, would later write Memorias de la vida y obra de los coreanos en México desde Yucatán - a reflection published nearly 80 years after the 1905 migration. In his account, he expressed both gratitude and pain: the suffering of the early Korean laborers had forged unbreakable bonds among them, and from this hardship, a self-sustaining, independent community emerged - one that remained connected to the global Korean struggle for independence.
One striking piece of this history is captured in the photo below, sent to us by Esther Sanguesa. It shows a group of Korean men in El Bolo, Matanzas, Cuba, dressed like a small army, ready to fight for Korea's freedom. In the end, they were denied the opportunity to travel. But to Esther's grandfather, this photo remained his favorite - a quiet to powerful reminder of the international spirit of the Korean independence movement, and the unwavering loyalty of those who never stopped believing in their homeland's freedom.
Korean Immigrants and Racism
From the beginning, Koreans in Mexico faced distinct racial treatment, different even from that experienced by indigenous and mestizo populations. Although mestizo nationalism celebrated a blend of European and indigenous identities, it actively excluded Asian groups, particularly Koreans. This anti-Asian sentiment was both overt and insidious.
On the plantations, the discrimination was palpable. Corn, not rice, was given as the staple food ration - nutritionally inappropriate for Koreans, often leading to serious digestive issues. When Korean workers protested, asking for rice and basic medicines, the plantation administrators - confronted with the reality of their suffering - eventually agreed to sell rice in the hacienda store.
Daily life presented other challenges that underscored this cultural dislocation. As José Sánchez Pac recounts, Korean women struggled to find the right ingredients for kimchi. Cabbage, used primarily as ornamental plants on the plantations, was routinely discarded. The women salvaged the "ugly" outer leaves from the trash to recreate a taste of home. When meat was distributed, they would collect discarded animal parts - tails, heads, feet, intestines - to make traditional dishes. For this resourcefulness, they were mockingly and cruelly called perras ("bitches") - a slur that reveals both gendered and racialized disdain.
Language, Education, and Loss
Though Korean immigrants preserved many culinary and cultural traditions, language was one of the first casualties of assimilation. In a documentary interview, descendant Genny Song recalls that Koreans were harassed by Yucatecos and Mexicans alike for not speaking Spanish. As a result, many Korean parents made the painful decision to teach Spanish instead of Korean to their children, prioritizing survival over heritage.
Still, remnants of linguistic identity survived. Ana María Song, for example, retained Korean food terms - small fragments of a language that otherwise faded over generations. These quiet acts of preservation contributed to a distinctive Korean-Mexican identity, shaped more by adaptation than by full assimilation.
At home, subtle decisions - what to cook, how to celebrate, whom to marry - created a Korean subgroup within Mexican society. Food, especially rice, remained a cultural dividing line between Koreans and other groups in Yucatán. Language barriers limited Koreans' integration into broader Mexican society, but also bound them more closely to one another and to the Korean liberation movement.
Exclusion, Belonging, and Dual Loyalties
Korean immigrants were not only economically marginalized under exploitative labor contracts - they also faced systemic racism that denied them full belonging in the mestizo-centered Mexican national identity. Their decision to obtain Mexican citizenship was not necessarily a reflection of loyalty, but often a pragmatic response to legal, economic, and political pressures. Citizenship provided access to jobs, mobility, and state services, and - crucially - it allowed them to participate in international effort for Korean independence. José Sánchez Pac describes how Mexican citizenship enabled Korean immigrants to form transnational ties. One key method was fundraising: through a mandatory monthly "national fee" of one peso, Korean immigrants collectively supported both local community efforts and the broader independence movement. Half the funds were sent to the Pan-Korean Association; the other half supported education and social services within the community. With about 900 active members, the Korean Association raised substantial resources - not just as a patriotic gesture, but as a practical and communal expression of identity.
For many, membership in the Korean Association functioned as a form of dual citizenship - a way to maintain allegiance to Korea while navigating life in Mexico. It was, in Pac's words, "a kind of government" for Koreans in exile.
Education and National Consciousness
One of the Korean community's most powerful tools for cultural preservation was education. On May 26, 1913, the Korean Association of Yucatán established the Ohakgina - the first of several schools designed to promote minjok awareness, or national consciousness. Pac recounts his own schooling on an henequen plantation, where the curriculum mirrored the Korean system. The schools taught Hangul (Korean writing), Korean history, arithmetic, and patriotic hymns.
Instruction was rigorous and deeply nationalistic, even incorporating the Confucian social hierarchy (samin, yangban, etc.). But resources were scarce. Teachers were often untrained and families were financially strained. Temporary educators like Changi Cho, who also served as the Association's secretary, filled multiple roles out of necessity.
Classes took place during workers' scarce free hours - between 2 and 4 in the morning, and again at 6 p.m. - forcing students to juggle exhausting labor ith academic expectations. Failure to perform ooften resulted in corporal punishment, a reflection of the discipline valued in Korean pedagogy, even under duress.
Sungmuism and Armed Resistance
Another dimension of Korean resilience in Mexico was Sungmuism, a military-nationalist movement born in response to the Japanese colonization of Korea. Initiated by Kunyong Lee on November 14, 1910, the Suk-Mu Kak Kyo was established to revive military consciousness among Koreans abroad. Sungmuism soon spread to Korean communities across the diaspora, including Mérida.
Approximately 200 former members of Korea's Kwangmu Army lived among the Korean immigrants in Mexico. Inspired by Sungmuism they gathered in secret to train, discuss strategy, and mourn the fall of their homeland. Daily drills and military exercises were held during their limited rest time.
Pac also records that 25 Korean youths, led by Kunyong Lee, even participated in the 1910 Mexican Revolution. Their dedication to freedom - whether for Mexico or Korea - underscored the profound political engagement of the Korean diaspora in Yucatán.
Memory, Identity, and Intergenerational Loss
Despite these extraordinary efforts, time and assimilation took their toll. Intergenerational transmission of language and customs became increasingly difficult in a country with little space for Korean culture. The environment surrounding the immigrants - socially, economically, and politically - was not conducive to the preservation of their heritage.
Still, oral histories from descendants reveal a deep pride in their Korean roots. Many went out of their way to assert their ethnic identity, correcting those who mistook them for Chinese, Japanese, or Filipino. In one anecdote, Pac recalls being asked if he was Filipino while applying for a job in Villahermosa. He responded: "I was born in Mexico, but I am Korean." This enduring assertion of identity speaks volumes. Even as Korean immigrants became Mexican citizens, their cultural and political allegiance to Korea remained strong.
Sánchez Pac, José. “Memorias de la vida y obra de los coreanos en México desde Yucatán“ (Memories of the Life and Work of the Koreans in Mexico from Yucatan).
https://dreamgolive.wordpress.com/2011/10/28/koreans-in-mexico/
Editorial Board. August 2021. Crossing Peninsulas: Early 20th-Century Korean Flexible Nationalisms in the Yucatán Peninsula. The Yale Review of International Studies.
Jo, Nam Hwan. “Historia de la vida de los coreanos en México, 1905–2005.” (History of Koreans in Mexico). Los Angeles: The Christian Herald USA, 2006.
KBS Docu 다큐. “한국인의밥상] 멕시코 에네켄의 밥상: 밥이 조국이다". La Mesa del Henequén en México: La Comida es la Tierra Natal (The Table of the Henequen in Mexico: Food is the Motherland). Full VOD YouTube video, Mayo 2020. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L2V3v8-dZL8.
Kim, AJ. “Yo Soy Coreana (2018): Migración e Historia de la Inmigración en Mëxico” (I am Korean: Migration and History of the Immigrant in Mexico) YouTube. October 2018. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ADHD2QG0pjQ&t=662s.